That is why the United States was determined to crush the revolution in Nicaragua, which, if extended, could have spread to the whole of Central America, as was already happening in El Salvador. The Nicaraguan revolution of 1979 inaugurated a violent decade of civil strife that has affected North American political relations for the past 40 years. By June the FSLN controlled all of the country except the capital and on 17 July 1979 President Somoza resigned and the FSLN entered Managua. By 1978, the Terceristas had reunited the three FSLN factions, apparently with guidance from Fidel Castro, and the guerilla fighters numbered around 5,000. Nicaragua - Nicaragua - The Sandinista government: The new government inherited a devastated country. This Junta was recognized by the Latin American governments mentioned above. U.S. imperialism was central in shaping the results of the revolution in Nicaragua. The agreement was named for Esquipulas, Guatemala, where the initial meetings took place. Their opposition grew when, after an earthquake triggered a crisis in 1972, Somoza began displacing them from the economic activities they had traditionally controlled. The 1990 Nicaraguan General Elections marked a setback for the Sandinista Leadership. South Africa Popular discontent grew from September 1977 onward. The key large scale programs of the Sandinistas received international recognition for their gains in literacy, health care, education, childcare, unions, and land reform. Representatives of this new sector of the bourgeoisie included Rafael Córdoba, leader of the Democratic Comillnservative Party and member of the Supreme Court of Justice, and Arturo Cruz, former collaborator of the Inter-American Development Bank. The Somoza family’s iron grip on the country was practically created by U.S. imperialism. Salvador Martí Puig "Nicaragua. During the 1970s, a great upheaval of the mass movement was reflected in the major strikes of 1973 and 1974, which were fiercely repressed. After the U.S. defeat in Vietnam, a revolutionary upheaval took place in Central America that lent new momentum to struggles of workers, agricultural proletarians, the urban poor and poor peasants. The Nicaraguans revolted because they had a brutal and corrupt dictator. After a 1936 military coup that was ratified by fraudulent elections, Somoza became the country’s president. The End And The Beginning: The Nicaraguan Revolution, Second Edition, Revised And Updated (Westview Special Studies on Latin America and the Caribbean) [Booth, John A] on Amazon.com. There was a division between the oligarchy allied with the Somoza dynasty and the bourgeoisie who benefited from economic expansion—centrally the agro-exporting, agro-industrial, industrial, and banking sectors, for which the Somoza government became an impediment. 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While preventing any action by the Salvadoran fighters on its territory, the government made more agreements with sectors of the Contras, as well as with the counterrevolutionary bourgeoisie itself.  The Somoza Regime, which included the Nicaraguan National Guard, a force highly trained by the U.S. military, used torture, extra-judicial killings, intimidation and censorship of the press in order to combat the FSLN attacks. Forty years ago Friday—July 19, 1979—a revolution in Nicaragua promised hope and dignity to the people of Central America. Oft wird mit der nicaraguanischen Revolution jedoch auch der darauf folgende Zeitraum der gesellschaftlichen Umwälzung bezeichnet, die sich bis 1990 vollzog. It accepted a general election plan in which those who financed and organized the counterrevolution could participate normally. The 2018–2020 Nicaraguan protests began on 18 April 2018 when demonstrators in several cities of Nicaragua began protests against the social security reforms decreed by President Daniel Ortega that increased taxes and decreased benefits. In January 1978, the journalist Pedro Joaquín Chamorro was assassinated.  With the civil war opening up cracks in the national revolutionary project, the FSLN's military budget grew to more than half of the annual budget. The revolution was permanently besieged with military actions and bombardments of key sectors of the economy, such as the Pacific harbors. It also founded an Instituto de Estudios del Sandinismo (Institute for Studies of Sandinismo) where it printed all of the work and papers of Augusto C. Sandino and those that cemented the ideologies of FSLN as well, such as Carlos Fonseca, Ricardo Morales Avilés and others. He was an American puppet and former secretary of a U.S. mining company. A donation of any size helps us continue our work. In May 1986, a summit meeting, "Esquipulas I," took place, attended by the five Central American presidents. The Nicaraguan revolution took place all over Nicaragua from 1977-2006. It is from this perspective and the strategy of permanent revolution that we analyze the revolution in Nicaragua. At the end of that decade, the revolution in Nicaragua achieved an important victory with the destruction of the National Guard and the defeat of the country’s dictator, Anastasio Somoza, through a combination of mass insurrection and guerrilla actions. In August, 25 Terceristas disguised as National Guardsmen assaulted the National Palace and took the entire Nicaraguan Congress hostage. The GRNN was composed of two high representatives of the bourgeoisie: Violeta Chamorro, the widow of Pedro Joaquín Chamorro, and Alfonso Robelo Callejas; two representatives of the FSLN, Daniel Ortega and Moisés Hernán; and finally, one representative of the center and the professional sectors, Sergio Ramírez Mercado. "Agrarian Productive Structure in Nicaragua", Ib. By not fulfilling the fundamental demands that the Nicaraguan revolution had called for, such as the agrarian revolution, the expropriation of the bourgeoisie, and national liberation, the Sandinista government lost ground in the midst of a crisis provoked by the U.S. war of economic harassment and sabotage and by the Contras. Under the impact and influence of the Cuban revolution, the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) was founded in 1961 by Tomás Borge, Carlos Fonseca Amador and Silvio Mayorga. However, the biggest impact, economically, set by the Revolution was within the primary sector: the Agrarian Reform. According to Proyect, the agrarian reform had the twofold purpose of increasing the support for the government among the campesinos, and guaranteeing ample food delivery into the cities. The U.S. proposed sending “peace forces,” a measure that received no international support. The Revolution faced a rural economy well behind in technology and, at the same time, devastated by the guerrilla warfare and the soon to come civil war against the Contras. On 10 January 1978 the editor of the leftist Managua newspaper La Prensa, Pedro Joaquín Chamorro Cardenal was murdered by suspected elements of the Somoza regime and riots broke out in the capital city, Managua which targeted Somoza regime. , In early 1979 the Organization of American States supervised negotiations between the FSLN and the government however these broke down when it became clear that the Somoza regime had no intention of allowing for democratic elections to take place. By 1982 Contra forces had begun carrying out assassinations of members of the Nicaraguan government and by 1983 the Contras had launched a major offensive and the CIA was helping them to plant mines in Nicaragua's Habours to prevent foreign weapons shipments from arriving. Somoza’s family alone owned more than 22,000 square kilometers of arable land, and other large tracts of land were concentrated in very few hands. Nicaragua was ravaged by a brutal economic crisis.  By the 1970s the Leninist-oriented organization was strong enough to launch a military effort against the Somoza regime.  This led to international condemnation of the regime and in 1977 the Carter Administration in the U.S. cut off aid to the Somoza regime due to its human rights violations. The era of Somoza family rule was characterized by strong U.S. support for the government and its military as well as a heavy reliance on U.S. based multi-national corporations. Things didn’t work out that way. All sectors of the economy of Nicaragua were determined, in great part if not all, by the Somozas or the officials and adepts surrounding the regime, whether it was directly owning agricultural brands and trusts, or actively setting them to local or foreign hands. They demanded money and the release of all FSLN prisoners, which … In the 1970s the FSLN began a campaign of kidnappings which led to national recognition of the group in the Nicaraguan media and solidifaction of the group as a force in opposition to the Somoza Regime. The cities of Masaya, León, Chinandega, Jinotepe, Diriamba, and Estelí experienced shootouts and massacres, with an estimated 10,000 workers, youth, students and peasants killed. What happened in Nicaragua and how can we understand the uprising and the aftermath? But as the mass movement took action, this opposition bourgeoisie sought to conciliate and compromise with the dictatorship. The End And The Beginning: The Nicaraguan Revolution, Second Edition, Revised And Updated (Westview Special Studies on Latin America and the Caribbean) Professors of Latin American studies may find it useful as a textbook for their classes. Before the rise of the Somoza dynasty, the government was run by Adolfo Díaz—a leader installed by the U.S. Marines. In 1975 and 1976, the government’s repression became increasingly bloody; it assassinated a founder of the FSLN, Carlos Fonseca Amador. Nonetheless, workers constituted an element of the embryonic organizations of the masses, and they advanced as a class by establishing factory committees that voted for the expropriation of the company in multiple places. The Somoza family became Nicaragua’s richest, accumulating wealth through … Groups from the Opposition Broad Front (FAO): Democratic Conservative Party, Nicaraguan Christian Social Party, Nicaraguan Democratic Movement, Constitutionalist Liberal Movement, Nicaraguan Socialist Party, General Confederation of Independent Labor, Confederation of Trade Union Unification (CUS). This had the disastrous consequence of keeping Nicaragua isolated and slowing down new Central American revolutionary processes. Groups from the National Patriotic Front: United People’s Movement, Independent Liberal Party, Group of Twelve, Social Christian People’s Party, Nicaraguan Workers’ Central (CTN), Workers’ Front, Union of Radio Journalists.  The 1987 Iran Contra Affair placed the Reagan Administration again at the center of secret support for the Contras. Even so, because of the difficulties in defeating the revolution militarily, imperialism began to combine the militarist offensive with the policy of negotiation and “peace” agreements. The entire responsibility for the war, the public administration and the functions of the government passed into the hands of the invading army. Following the American occupation of Nicaragua in 1912, as part of the Banana Wars, the Somoza family political dynasty came to power which would rule Nicaragua until their ouster in 1979 during the Nicaraguan Revolution. But this sinister attack did not break the will of a people who redoubled their efforts in the revolutionary struggle. In this context, the revolution in Nicaragua had the goal of resolving several structural issues. Covert aid They were going after the Somoza-owned bank. To do so, it was necessary to completely destroy Sandino’s army, massacre the peasants who supported him, and assassinate Sandino himself, who by then was known as the General of Free Men. Schmidli, William Michael, “‘The Most Sophisticated Intervention We Have Seen’: The Carter Administration and the Nicaraguan Crisis, 1978–1979,”. All sectors of the economy were restructured, actually heading into a mixed economy system. Because they sought to organize independent unions, those who were not Nicaraguans were expelled from the country by the FSLN, handed over to the Panamanian police at the border and subsequently tortured and deported back to their countries. The rise of the masses precipitated the decomposition of the regime and shattered the margins for maneuvering that the native bourgeoisie and imperialism needed to find a way out of this crisis. 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